Uganda

class=”MuiTypography-root-225 MuiTypography-h1-230″>Land issues at the heart of Uganda’s oil showdown

Residents in Uganda's oil-rich Hoima district say their land is up for grabs as an ambitious oil pipeline project plans to run more than 800 miles from the western part of the country all the way to neighboring Tanzania.

The WorldNovember 29, 2022 · 4:45 PM EST

• By Halima Gikandi

Demonstrators show "stop oil in Africa" written on their hands during a protest with Stop Pipelines coalition against pipelines in East Africa at the COP27 UN climate summit, Nov. 11, 2022, in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt. 

Nariman El-Mofty/AP

The village of Kijumba sits surrounded by tall banana trees and cassava plants just off the newly constructed roads of the oil-rich Hoima district in Uganda. 

This is where 49-year-old Hope Alinatiwe has spent her entire life, cultivating the land to feed herself and her eight children. 

Like many rural Ugandans, she is cash-poor but land-rich – meaning her small plots of land are her only assets. 

But recently that land has come up for grabs because of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP), an ambitious project that will run more than 800 miles from western Uganda to neighboring Tanzania.

In 2018, Alinatiwe said she was told she would need to sell some of her land to make room for the construction of the new pipeline.

“I was told to sign the contract and to stop using the land,” she said.

So, she did. For the next four years, Alinatiwe waited for compensation, and in the meantime, her land went to waste. 

By the time she was paid this past September, she had lost out on four years of farm earnings for what she said was meager compensation.

“The money we were given was too little,” for the land, based on its current value, Alinatiwe said.  

Now, having lost her primary source of earning, she can no longer afford to send her kids to school and struggles to find work to feed her family. 

Alinatiwe's experience highlights what has become a flashpoint in these early days of development for Uganda’s ambitious oil development: land.

Rachel Tugume, also from Kijumba, has a similar story.                      

"They told me, ‘Rachel, the pipeline will go through your land.’ So, I waited for them to come, and in 2019, they came and stopped me from using my land,” she said.

“If you have cassava in our place, you are a good farmer and you are a rich person,” Tugume said.

Rachel Tugume in front of her land that she was ordered to sell to EACOP to make room for the oil pipeline. She continues to negotiate for a fairer settlement. 

Credit:

Halima Gikandi/The World

She was offered about $130 for her land — the amount determined by her land size at the time. She said she can make twice that amount per year by farming. And as time passes, the land has become increasingly valuable due to the nearby oil and infrastructure development.

“The price only keeps going up every year,” she said. 

Up to now, Tugume has held out on selling, instead trying to negotiate with the EACOP company for a better deal for her land.

In the meantime, her demarcated land has become full of weeds as Tugume continues to abide by the terms of sale, which include ceasing to grow crops that take time to harvest. She estimates she has lost millions of Ugandan shillings in profits by not cultivating the land for years.

She said her issue isn’t with the oil pipeline itself, but with the impact it has on locals like her. 

"We are near the oil and gas, we are near the airport, and we are the people who are affected,” Tugume said, estimating she has lost out on millions of Ugandan shillings of earnings by not using her land that has been earmarked for construction. 

“At least they can help us,” she said. “So, we can also benefit from the oil and gas."

Rachel Tugume shows a letter from EACOP about reevaluating the value of her land.

Credit:

Halima Gikandi/The World

Displaced by oil

 In other parts of Hoima, construction for the oil project has already begun. 

In Buliisa, on the shores of Lake Albert, a central oil processing facility is in the works.

That’s where John has lived all of his life, until he was told to sell his land to make room for oil construction. He asked to only use his first name, fearing harassment.

“I requested for land compensation,” he said, rather than getting meager monetary compensation. 

When that didn’t work out, he said he refused to sell the land.

“We were taken to court,” he said, and lost.

John said he was later forced to leave his land, which he relied on as a source of income. 

"My children are not in school. I cannot have money to earn my living,” he said.

Since then, he has relocated to his relative’s property, which is adjacent to another construction site.

“There is a lot of noise, a lot of sand, dust, a lot of floods of water,” John said. 

Uganda’s government has said that they are compensating people fairly. “There is no area in the country that has been assessed for oil and gas development before full and adequate compensation of the project affected persons,” said Gloria Sebikari of the Petroleum Authority of Uganda, who acknowledged there were some delays in payment due to COVID-19.

But for activists, the ongoing disputes over land compensation in the areas closest to the oil development project is proof that the oil project will not benefit ordinary Ugandans. 

"There is no way you can expect these huge projects to benefit the poor people, the average people,” said Dickens Kamugisha of the Africa Institute for Energy Governance (AFIEGO). 

“The money will be earned and only the rich and the powerful will be the ones to take that money,” he said.  

This month, AFIEGO and other organizations sued Uganda and Tanzania over the oil pipeline project at the East African Court of Justice, arguing that the project violates international law and regional environmental treaties.

Threats to vital wildlife

In nearby Bugoma forest, conservationist Nazario Asiimwe walks through the dense bush, pointing out the diverse biodiversity. 

Environmental activists are concerned that the pipeline project could potentially impact forests like this one, which is home to protected species like the chimpanzees. 

Asiimwe, who works on forest conservation, worries the species could be harmed by the construction.

"Because chimpanzees, they move everywhere. They can move to where they want to construct the pipelines,” Asiimwe said. 

Conservationist and tour guide Nazario Assimwe in Bugoma forest, the Hoima district, Uganda. 

Credit:

Halima Gikandi/The World

Both the Ugandan government and the oil companies involved have responded to critics by saying they have taken measures to mitigate any potential negative social and environmental impact of this development project.

But AFIEGO’s Dickens Kamugisha said that is not enough, and that fossil fuels are not the answer for Uganda. 

"I don't think we should be saying let's also destroy this nature for us to make money,” he said.

“We can harness our nature and ensure that we get money but we also sustain our environment.” 

Related: Why African countries like Uganda are investing in fossil fuels, Part I

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Count me in!Related ContentWhy African countries like Uganda are investing in fossil fuelsGlobal demand for lithium is changing Chile's Atacama Desert Latvians brace for harsh winter under new austerity measures to lessen dependency on Russian energyLong before electricity, wind catchers of Persia kept residents cool. Climate-conscious architects are taking notes.

class=”MuiTypography-root-320 MuiTypography-h1-325″>Why African countries like Uganda are investing in fossil fuelsThe WorldNovember 23, 2022 · 4:15 PM EST

• By Halima Gikandi

After the discovery of commercial quantities of oil in 2006, Hoima, Uganda, is being referred to as Oil City. 

Halima Gikandi/The World

In the far ends of western Uganda, surrounded by lush green farms, the city of Hoima has taken on a new name: Oil City.

It got the name after commercial quantities of oil were discovered in Uganda in 2006.

According to the country's government, there are 6.5 billion barrels of oil underground — 1.4 billion of which can be recovered.

Now, Uganda is seeking to develop and refine that oil in partnership with the French energy company Total, and a state-owned Chinese corporation.

"People will benefit directly, others indirectly," said 22-year-old Nicholas Aheebua, who works at a local market.

He pointed out the sleek new roads that have been built in the district, and the nearly finished international airport.

"Like us, youths, who are still looking for work,” he added. “People who have benefited directly will start up businesses and we shall work there. We'll be employed." 

The Ugandan government is banking on these prospects of employment and development as they promote, and defend, this oil project in the face of domestic and international criticism about the environmental and social costs.

"We estimate that the country will be earning close to $2 billion annually, and this is a significant addition to our GDP," said Gloria Sebikari of the Petroleum Authority of Uganda (PAU).

She said it will also help boost Uganda's energy security.

Downtown Hoima, Uganda, November 2022.

Credit:

Halima Gikandi/The World

"Uganda plans to construct a 60,000-barrels-per-day refinery in Hoima to produce petroleum products like petrol, diesel, jet fuel and the like to be consumed in the Ugandan market," Sebikari said.

Crude oil from the projects will also be exported internationally through the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) that will run more than 890 miles from western Uganda to the Tanga port in neighboring Tanzania.

Concerns and pushback

But some have raised concerns about the oil development project. 

In September, the European Parliament adopted a resolution condemning human rights violations and environmental dangers they said have been brought by the fossil fuel projects in Uganda.

But Uganda disagrees with the assessment.

"Some of these people are insufferable. You need to control yourself not to explode. So shallow, so egocentric. So wrong," said Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni in response.

This flashpoint is emblematic of a bigger showdown taking place on the continent, as many African countries seek to benefit from new fossil fuel discoveries despite global calls for a movement away from it.

While those calls were repeated once again at the UN Climate Conference in Egypt, Sebikari of PAU noted how investment in new fossil fuel projects remains a reality globally.

"This begs the question, why should the pressure to stop oil and gas or to delay projects be for projects in developing countries, countries that have not yet reached a certain level of development?" she asked.

"A lot of the [developed] countries developed on the back of oil and gas and other natural resources,"

Gloria Sebikari, Petroleum Authority of Uganda

"A lot of the [developed] countries developed on the back of oil and gas and other natural resources," she added.

Uganda's government argues that it should be able to do the same, especially when many people in the country do not even have access to electricity.

Instead, both the rural and urban poor rely on burning charcoal and firewood, which has led to deforestation across Uganda's protected forest and carbon emissions. 

Liquefied petroleum gas

Sebikari of PAU said that one of the expected byproducts of the oil refining process will be liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) — or cooking gas — which can be used as an alternative to charcoal and wood.

“So, if the oil and gas sectors can support a bigger part of the population to transition away from the use of charcoal and wood fuel [toward the] use of gas, which is much cleaner than wood fuel, then we are contributing to the fight against climate change. We are reducing our emissions as a country," she argued.

This year, Uganda's Ministry of Energy launched a program to give canisters of cooking gas to poor families in anticipation of growing the domestic market in the future.

"Gas is more efficient, faster and cleaner than using charcoal or wood," said 37-year-old Noowe Kazo, one of the recipients.

"The government told us that we should stop using charcoal, because the smoke is bad for us, and because it’s damaging our environment," she said.

She added that she would be willing to buy gas with her own money if it were more affordable.

Noowe Kazo shows off the new gas stove she recieved from the government, Bukasa, Uganda, November 2022.

Credit:

Halima Gikandi/The World

For Uganda's government, Kazo exemplifies its argument that oil development can be part of the country's energy transition.

But for environment and social activists, the costs of the country's oil development are too high.

The World has more on the pushback against this oil pipeline in Part 2 of this report. Listen to the story here.

Related: 'The system is broken': At COP27, developing countries push for more money to adapt to climate change

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Count me in!Related ContentGlobal demand for lithium is changing Chile's Atacama Desert Latvians brace for harsh winter under new austerity measures to lessen dependency on Russian energyLong before electricity, wind catchers of Persia kept residents cool. Climate-conscious architects are taking notes.Amid fuel crisis in Sri Lanka, bicycling is no longer a 'poor person's mode of transport'

class=”MuiTypography-root-134 MuiTypography-h1-139″>'The torture of political prisoners is real' in Uganda, says poet and free speech activist

Ugandan poet Stella Nyanzi talks about her friend, the satirist Kakwenza Rukirabashaija, and his torture while recently under military detention. His crime? Calling Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni's son "obese" in a series of tweets last December.

The WorldJanuary 31, 2022 · 3:30 PM EST

• By Carol Hills

Ugandan author Kakwenza Rukirabashaija is seen in an undated photo posted to his Twitter Dec. 25, 2021.

Courtesy of VOA/via Twitter

Ugandan satirist Kakwenza Rukirabashaija recently spent 28 days in military detention. His crime? Calling Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni's son "obese" in a series of tweets last December.

His lawyer says Rukirabashaija was tortured while in detention.

Rukirabashaija, a satirical fiction writer, was detained on Dec. 28, and charged with two counts of “offensive communication” for his alleged efforts on Twitter to “disturb the peace” of President Yoweri Museveni and his son, Lt. Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, who commands the East African country’s infantry forces.

Related: Belarus theater company flees amid opposition crackdown 

The writer has been detained twice before over his work highlighting the failures of Museveni, Uganda’s leader since 1986.

Rukirabashaija, 33, was awarded the PEN Pinter Prize for an international writer of courage last year. English PEN, a human rights organization for writers, has called for his release.

The case has renewed focus on the alleged excesses of the security forces in enforcing Museveni’s authority.

Ugandan poet and activist Stella Nyanzi knows all too well about offending the president. She is currently living in exile in Germany after facing similar charges of "offensive communication" as her friend and colleague, Kakwenza Rukirabashaija. 

Related: Anti-coup protesters in Sudan say they won't back down

Nyanzi joined The World's host Carol Hills to talk about her ordeals in detention and the dire lack of freedom of speech in Uganda under longtime ruler Yoweri Museveni. 

Carold Hills: Stella Nyanzi, You spent time in prison twice in Uganda. What were some of the things you said or wrote that got you into trouble? Stella Nyanzi: As a poet, living in an oppressive society, I've written about the anguish that you Ugandans go through all the time, and a lot of what I write is directly critical of Yoweri Museveni. For example, when he spoke on a national public holiday and said he was not working for Ugandans, but instead he's working for his family, I wrote and named him metaphorically as a "pair of buttocks." I have criticized his wife for being without enough brains to run the Ministry of Education, and I had a fundraiser for brain cells for the wife. I metaphorically wrote about his mother's genitals strangling him to death, such that the womb that produced him would have done the world so much good if, in fact, he hadn't been born. However, all my satirical writings against the regime seem to actually offend the first family. I want you to tell us about Kakwenza Rukirabashaija. He's a friend of yours, and he's the satirist who's gotten in trouble recently. What did he say exactly in this series of tweets about Museveni' son in December? Right, So, Kakwenza has written about the obesity of the first son, who is the commander of the land forces and … qualifications? Where are the qualifications of the president's son to be in power, the commander of the land forces? So I think irrelevant to the content of what is written, what the regime power holders find problematic is the audacity of everyday Ugandans to criticize the abuses and excesses of the power holders. Rukirabashaija is now out on bail. He was detained for 28 days. He's been charged with offensive communication. You were charged with that at one point. What does that mean? Offensive communication is a vague aspect of the Computer Misuse Act, a weaponization of the law to fix and silence those of us who are critical of power holders in Uganda. So you're suggesting that these laws were created capriciously to allow the government to go after critics of the first family? Exactly. And so a number of us who cannot protest on the streets physically because of fear of arrest and criminalization and punishments, monetary fines and prison time have resorted to expressing our discontent online. However, the Computer Misuse Act was put in place to further shrink and perhaps suffocate the voices of those of us who are dissenters against the power holders in Uganda.I want to get back to Rukwenza Rukirabashaija. His lawyer says that he was tortured while he was in military detention recently, and he's now getting medical treatment. You said you were tortured when you were in prison. What happened? In detention, a number of us who are political prisoners, who are prisoners of conscience simply because we are questioning or criticizing or condemning the excesses of power in our country are subjected to torture — outright torture — physical, mental, emotional, traumatizing torture during interrogation. In my case, I was abducted by men in masks from a private car after a fundraiser. I was beaten up during questioning. The second time I was arrested, I was pregnant and expecting a child. Again, I was tortured, this time by prison wardresses — women — working and paid for by salaries from the taxes of Ugandans. I was kicked, I was punched. I was denied food on some days. They tortured me to the extent that I had a miscarriage. But for me, part of the pain of these prison wardresses is that even when I said to them that "I am bleeding," they were so unsympathetic that they say to me, "You, you are in your 40s, you a post-menopausal woman." And even after the prison doctors had confirmed, indeed, I had suffered a miscarriage, the prison authorities denied me access to my private doctors. And so the torture of political prisoners is real. Perhaps much worse than myself, Kakwenza Rukirabashaija was more brutalized because he was in military detention. We don't even know what military installation had him abducted on behalf of the first son.And this is the most recent incident where he was detained for 28 days, he's now out on bail. Yes. Yeah, it's really difficult. You know, listening to you speak about what happened. I wondered if you've been in touch with Kakwenza Rukirabashaija since he was released a few days ago. I spoke with him the day he was released. He was dumped outside his home at 3:30 in the morning. We had been hearing tales of the sort of wounds he encountered from his torturers, so I spoke with him on the phone and he said, "Stella, indeed. My kidneys have deteriorated, my left ankle…" so, the ankle on his left leg is broken. And indeed there is a report that confirms wounds and internal bleeding. 

Related: Cuban govt supporters resorted to tactics they haven't used in decades to suppress political dissidents, professor says 

Kakwenza Rukirabashaija is still in Uganda. You made the decision to leave. Why? I left Uganda because it is dangerous. It is risky for anybody to speak critically. In order to keep alive while I speak, I need to speak from outside. I refuse to silence myself. I'll keep speaking out and I hope I can do so safely.

This interview has been lightly edited and condensed for clarity. AP contributed to this report.

class=”MuiTypography-root-228 MuiTypography-h1-233″>Uganda's schools reopen, ending world's longest lockdownAssociated PressJanuary 10, 2022 · 2:15 PM EST

Pupils wear face masks as they attend class at Kitante Primary School in Kampala, Uganda, Jan. 10, 2022.

Hajarah Nalwadda/AP

Uganda's schools reopened to students on Monday, ending the world's longest school disruption due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The reopening caused traffic congestion in some areas of the capital, Kampala, and students can be seen carrying their mattresses in the streets, a back-to-boarding school phenomenon not witnessed here for nearly two years.

Uganda’s schools have been fully or partially shut for more than 83 weeks, the world's longest disruption, according to figures from the UN cultural agency. The shutdown affected more than 10 million learners.

The East African country of 44 million people first shut down its schools in March 2020, shortly after the first coronavirus case was confirmed on the African continent. Some classes were reopened to students in February 2021, but a total lockdown was imposed again in June as the country faced its first major surge.

For many parents, the reopening was long overdue.

“Inevitably, we have to open up schools,” said Felix Okot, the father of a 6-year-old kindergartner. “The future of our kids, the future of our nation, is at stake.”

The country's schools cannot “wait forever” for the pandemic's end, he warned.

The protracted school lockdown proved controversial in a country where measures aimed at stemming the spread of the virus were ignored by many. Vaccine skepticism, even among health workers, remains a problem, with growing reports of fake COVID-19 vaccination cards sold in downtown Kampala.

Many students returning to school are believed to have had no help during the lockdown. Most public schools, which serve the vast majority of children in Uganda, were unable to offer virtual schooling. The Associated Press reported in November on students in a remote Ugandan town where weeds grew in classrooms and some students worked in a swamp as gold miners.

Some critics pointed out that the government of President Yoweri Museveni — an authoritarian who has held power for 36 years and whose wife is the education minister — did little to support home-based learning. Museveni justified the lockdown by insisting that infected students were a danger to their parents and others.

“There are many things which can't be predicted right now. The turnout of students is unpredictable, the turnout of teachers is unpredictable," said Fagil Mandy, a former government inspector of schools now working as an independent consultant. “I am more worried that many children will not return to school for various reasons, including school fees.”

Mandy also noted concern that a virus outbreak “will spread very fast” in crowded schools, urging close monitoring by school administrators.

Welcoming the reopening of Uganda's schools, Save the Children warned that “lost learning may lead to high dropout rates in the coming weeks without urgent action," including what it described as catch-up clubs.

The aid group warned in a statement Monday of a wave of dropouts “as returning students who have fallen behind in their learning fear they have no chance of catching up.”

It remains to be seen how long Uganda's schools will remain open, with an alarming rise in virus cases in recent days. In the past week health authorities have been reporting a daily positivity rate in excess of 10%, up from virtually zero in December. Museveni has warned of a possible new lockdown if intensive care units reach 50% occupancy.

Hoping for a smooth return to school, authorities waived any COVID test requirements for students. An abridged curriculum also has been approved under an arrangement to automatically promote all students to the next class.

Uganda has received foreign support toward the reopening of schools.

The UN children's agency and the governments of the UK and Ireland announced financial support focusing on virus surveillance and the mental health of students and teachers in 40,000 schools. They said their support was key for Uganda's school system to remain open.

By Associated Press writer Rodney Muhumuza

class=”MuiTypography-root-133 MuiTypography-h1-138″>Twin suicide bombings kill at least 3 people in Uganda

The suicide bombings are the latest in a string of explosions that have plagued Uganda in recent weeks. 

The WorldNovember 16, 2021 · 3:00 PM EST

A forensics officer secures the scene of a blast next to the central police station in Kampala, Uganda, Nov. 16, 2021. 

Nicholas Bamulanzeki/AP

Life in Uganda’s bustling capital city of Kampala was upended Tuesday morning when two suicide bombings exploded downtown.

“In total, six people have died, including the three suicide attackers,” Uganda police spokesperson Fred Enganga told reporters.

Related: As Afghans flee Taliban rule, some find a temporary new home in Uganda

According to CCTV footage shared by police, a man carrying a bag approached the exterior of the central police station at 10:03 a.m. Soon after, a blast went off. 

“By the time people called us, of course, the scene was very terrible. People were really scampering and scattering."

Irene Nakasiita, spokesperson, Uganda Red Cross

“By the time people called us, of course, the scene was very terrible. People were really scampering and scattering,” Irene Nakasiita, spokeswoman for the Uganda Red Cross, told The World from Kampala.  

Three minutes later, according to CCTV, two motorcyclists approached Parliament Avenue, where another explosion went off not far from Uganda’s parliament building.

Related: A conversation with Bobi Wine, Ugandan opposition leader

Police said more than 33 bystanders were injured in the explosions. Five were critically injured, including police officers.  

“There are those that had big wounds, there are those that were not breathing so well, required resuscitation, required oxygen,” Nakasiita added. “But also, they will require additional psychosocial support because the trauma was a lot.”

The suicide bombings are the latest in a string of explosions that have plagued Uganda in recent weeks. 

Last month, at least two people were killed in separate explosions at a restaurant and on a bus. 

“Our intelligence also indicates that these are domestic terror groups that are linked to ADF,” Enganga said. 

The Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) originated in northern Uganda in the 1990s as an Islamist, anti-government movement. But it’s since based out of the Democratic Republic of Congo, where it has waged brutal attacks on civilians.

Related: After Museveni wins presidency, Ugandans gradually return to preelection normal 

Earlier this year, the United States designated the ADF as a terrorist group and called it an ISIS affiliate.

While the exact nature of that relationship remains unclear, it’s evident the ADF continues to pose a threat to Uganda.

"The bomb threats are still active. Especially from suicide attackers. We believe there are still more members of these domestic terror cells."

Fred Enganga, spokesperson, Ugandan police

"The bomb threats are still active. Especially from suicide attackers. We believe there are still more members of these domestic terror cells,” police spokesperson Enganga said. 

Meanwhile, in neighboring Kenya, authorities have said they have heightened security at the borders following the attacks.